Amadeo Bordiga Party and Class. First Published: “Partito e classe”, Rassegna Comunista, no 2, April 15, ; Source. A article by Amadeo Bordiga on the role which Germany played in the two world wars and which the author expected it to play in a future communist. Amadeo Bordiga was an Italian Marxist, a contributor to Communist theory, the founder of the Communist Party of Italy, a leader of the Communist Internat.
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From to during the first World War during amaeeo the Second International crumbles, it is Lenin with some comrades of few other countries, who represent the continuity and victorious progression of the movement. Those who advocated the split, beginning with Lenin — whom we followed enthusiastically — always rejected it, persuaded that our course of action was the only one that could lead to revolutionary victory in Italy and Europe.
Thus in the Peoples’ Democracies, the opportunists have bordiha up national systems in which all social classes are represented, with the pretence that in this way their opposing interests can be harmonised.
It rejects all forms of closed organisations. With his usual verve, a,adeo said: When we detect a social tendency, or a movement oriented towards xmadeo given end, then we can recognise the existence of a class in the true sense of the word. This, according to your critics, would have led you to commit grave mistakes. What were the consequences of your refusal within the Communist Party of Italy? Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources.
These ties would return not in larval but rather pathological form, as an alliance that our followers and militant themselves could not have understood.
Instead of taking a snapshot of society at a given moment like the old metaphysical method and then studying it in order to distinguish the different categories into which the individuals composing it must be classified, the dialectical method sees history as a film unrolling its successive scenes; the class must be looked for and distinguished in the striking features of this movement.
Discover new books on Goodreads. This contrast reveals itself in the opposing interests and the class struggle between the proletariat and the ruling bourgeoisie. The only historical alternative to be set against such a situation is the awakening of the internal class struggle, until the civil war of the working masses to overthrow the power of all bourgeois states and of world coalitions, with the reconstitution of the International Communist Party as an autonomous force, independent of any organised political or military power.
Did you still believe in the possibility of revolution? The Party is not formed on the basis of individual consciousness; it is not possible for each worker to become conscious and still less to master the class doctrine in a cultural way, neither is this possible for each militant nor even for the leaders of the Party as individuals.
At any rate, we were not aware in that Ambrosini was in Germany. Bordiga opposed the idea of revolutionary theory being the product of a democratic process of pluralist views, believing that the Marxist perspective has the merit of underscoring the fact that communism, like all social formations, is above all about the expression of programmatic content. The present production relations are protected by the bourgeois State.
These had openly betrayed the Marxist teachings on the class struggle, opting instead for the malicious politics of national harmony, sacred unity and support for the war waged by the respective bourgeois governments. Please help improve it by rewriting it in an encyclopedic style. The friendship as well as the comradeship that always linked me to Antonio — whom I admired greatly — never faltered. He was to spend the last four decades of his life at the margins of the movement, of which he remained a critic in his writings.
The communist faction of the Italian Socialist Party was founded in Imola in The text of those speeches of mine can be found in the proceedings of the world congresses, and will certainly be republished by our current in the future. It would have been absurd to transpose such a strategy to a situation in which the bourgeois State has a half a century hold democratic tradition, and parties that accept its constitutionalism.
This came after a long internal struggle in the PSI as it had voted as early as to affiliate to the Cominternbut it had refused to purge its reformist wing. The prospect of a great election campaign and the foreseeable triumph of the only party that had truly opposed the bloody and disastrous war of was rejected in my speech as a diversion from the tension that was growing among the Italian masses due to their immense blood sacrifice on the battlefield and the dire economic crisis at the aftermath of the war.
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Against anti-fascism: Amadeo Bordiga’s last interview
This enforces the fact that for Marxists communism is not an ideal to be achieved, but a “real movement” born from the old society with a set of programmatic tasks. Worse, only advanced groups and fractions accept the position of Lenin who, having defined the war as being a product of capitalism and not a conflict between the latter and less advanced politico-social forms, draws the conclusion that the “holy union” must be condemned and that the proletarian party should practise a defeatist zmadeo policy within each country against the bordigw State and army.
Our method does not amount to a mere description of the social structure as it exists at a given moment, nor does it merely draw an abstract line dividing all the individuals composing society into bordigx groups, as is done in the scholastic classifications of the naturalists. This consciousness lies in the organic unity of the Party.
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Did you regard the proposal as having political limitations, or were you concerned about Ambrosini himself? After the defeats, the revolutionary comeback is long and difficult; but the movement, although it is not visible on the surface, is not interrupted, it maintains, crystallised in a restricted vanguard, the revolutionary class demands.
Later, when Balbo crossed the Atlantic, the brave workers of Parma wrote in large letters on the banks of the stream the following taunt: Obviously, I developed in full my condemnation of the socialist parties of France, Germany and so forth.
The communist International defined them as employers’ offensives with a tendency to lower the standard of living of the working classes economically, and politically as initiatives aiming at the suppression of democratic liberalism, which it presented, amadwo a turn of phrase doubtful to Marxists, as being a favourable milieu for a proletarian offensive, whereas communism has always considered it amaxeo the worst possible atmosphere of revolutionary corruption on the political level.
Today, the party registers social phenomena scientifically in order to confirm the fundamental theses of Marxism. I want to subject it to a close analysis and critique from our point of view of revolutionary communists.
Even when democratic elections are used and whatever the form of the representative system may be, it is always the exclusive organ of the capitalist class. The breadth of the stream was enough to stop the gordiga forces. In Italy, they even partake in monarchist cabinets, postponing the question of the Republic to more “suitable” times. However, many of his former supporters in the PCd’I went into exile and founded a political tendency, often referred to as Italian Communist Left.
This is not the case with confessional unions, with those where membership is compulsory and with those which have become an integrant part of the State system.
At the end ofat the Fourth Congress of the International in Moscow, you spoke against the view of the majority, of Zinoviev and of Lenin himself, claiming that it was neither useful nor just for the communists to attempt to merge with the socialists to create a coalition government. And for that reason, it still demands to be read.
This last mistake, which has historically characterised the German K. Had the revolutionary situation reached its maturity in Italy in your opinion? Sign in with Facebook Sign in options.
It was ineluctable that the gigantic opportunism which had gained the workers’ movement would lead to the liquidation of all revolutionary instances. The aamdeo that these reactions came with a big delay prevented the proletariat from making full use of the turning point and crisis of and of setting up the struggle against war and for the destruction of the bourgeois State. Abstentionism, then, was the true antidote against paralysis.